Chapters

 This chapter examines three groups of black settlers in British Sierra Leone between 1787 and 1800. Chopra explores the motivations of the migrants and argues that the settlers saw the migration as an opportunity to start anew whereas the empire hoped that a well- peopled Sierra Leone would set an example of an anti-slavery establishment. The shortage of “respectable” white families willing to embark and settle in high-disease regions compelled the empire to look favorably on black settlers. In time, the exiles from London and Nova Scotia became trusted British settlers in Sierra Leone. [“Old Cudjoe making peace.” (Wikimedia Commons)]

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Rachel B. Herrmann, “Rebellion or Riot?: Black Loyalist Food Laws in Sierra Leone,” Slavery and Abolition 37, no. 4 (2016): 680-703. https://doi.org/10.1080/0144039X.2016.1150686

Christopher Fyfe, ed., Our Children Are Free and Happy: Letters from Black Settlers in Africa in the 1790s (Edinburgh: Edinburgh University Press, 1991).

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Sylviane A. Diouf, Slavery’s Exiles: The Story of the American Maroons (New York: New York University Press, 2014)

Maya Jasanoff. “Revolutionary Exiles: The American Loyalist and French Émigé Diasporas,” in The Age of Revolutions in Global Context, C. 1760-1840, ed. David Armitage and Sanjay Subrahmanyam (London: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010)

Harvey A. Whitfield, “Black Loyalists and Black Slaves in Maritime Canada,” History Compass 52, no. 10 (2007): 1980-1997. https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2007.00479.x

Cassandra Pybus, Black Founders: The Unknown Story of Australia’s First Black Settlers (Sydney: University of New South Wales Press, 2006)

British law was a key part of early colonization in Africa. The incarceration and deportation of men who challenged colonial rule was used as a strategy to maintain order on Sierra Leone’s pre-colonial frontier.In the 1870s, local leaders signed treaties that promised to turn over anyone who committed crimes of banditry against British subjects outside of colonial territory. The incarceration of these men led to the creation of a new legal category of detainee known as a “political prisoner.” Political prisoners were deported to the formal colony, denied the rights of British subjects, and held for years without charges or a trial. While most prisoners were eventually returned to their homeland, several were deported to Lagos for the remainder of their lives. Although these actions confirm the strength of colonial rule, this study also reveals how African leaders participated in the construction of penal law. African leaders used detainment to strengthen their own claims to authority, especially in regions where leadership was heavily contested. In tracing colonial legal strategies concerning banditry, I challenge common scholarly assumptions about when and how legal precedents were established and the role of both European and African actors in fashioning detention and deportation policies.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Stacey Hynd, “Killing the Condemned: The Practice and Process of Capital Punishment in British Africa, 1900s-1950s,” Journal of African History, 49 (2008): 403-18. http://www.jstor.org/stable/40206671

Nathan Brown, “Brigands and State Building: The Invention of Banditry in Modern Egypt,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 32, no. 2 (1990): 258-281. http://www.jstor.org/stable/178915

W. Matthew Kennedy, “The Imperialism of Internment: Boer Prisoners of War in India and Civic Reconstruction in Southern Africa, 1899-1905,” Journal of Imperial and Commonwealth History 44 (2016): 423-447. https://doi.org/10.1080/03086534.2016.1177371

Clare Anderson, “Convicts, Carcerality and Cape Colony Convictions in the 19^th Century,” Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 3 (2016): 429-442. https://doi.org/10.1080/03057070.2016.1175128

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Eric Lewis Beverley, “Frontier as Resource: Law, Crime and Sovereignty on the Margins of Empire,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 55, no. 2 (2013): 241-272. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417513000029

Jeremy Adelman and Stephen Aron, “From Borderlands to Borders: Empires, Nation-States, and the Peoples in between in North American History,” American Historical Review 104, no. 3 (1999), 814-841.  http://www.jstor.org/stable/2650990

Padraic Kenney, “‘I felt a kind of pleasure in seeing them treat us brutally.’ The Emergence of the Political Prisoner, 1865-1910,” Comparative Studies in Society and History 54, no. 4 (2012): 863-889. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0010417512000448

Zoe Laidlaw. “Breaking Britannia’s Bounds? Law, Settlers, and Space in Britain’s Imperial Historiography.” The Historical Journal 55, no. 3 (2012): 807-830. http://www.jstor.org/stable/23263275

Elizabeth Kolsky, “The Colonial Rule of Law and the Legal Regime of Exception: Frontier “Fanaticism” and State Violence in British India, The American Historical Review Volume 120, n. 4 (2015): 1218-1246. https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.4.1218

This chapter uses the case study of Alfa Yaya to examine the genealogies, roles, and consequences of exile in French colonial Africa. Alfa Yaya was a sub-regional ruler and important French ally who was exiled twice by the French in the early twentieth century. The chapter argues that the legal origins of exile lay partly in metropolitan penal codes and thus studies of exile challenge common conceptions of the colonial state as exceptional. It further argues that sentences of exile were neither primarily punitive nor primarily rehabilitative and thus can be contrasted with two other closely related penal regimes: the penal colony and the indigénat. Exile was a tool that colonial administrators wielded against individuals or groups who threatened the underlying assumptions of colonial sovereignty. Lastly, the chapter points to how, because of the history of exile, Alfa Yaya is remembered as an anti-colonial resistor, rather than an ally of early French colonial administrations.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Jeremey Rich, “Where Every Language Is Heard: Atlantic Commerce, West African and Asian Migrants, and Town Society in Libreville, Ca. 1860–1914,” in African Urban Spaces in Historical Perspective, ed. Steven Salm and Toyin Falola (Rochester, NY: University of Rochester Press, 2005).

Florence Bernault, “The Shadow of Rule: Colonial Power and Modern Punishment in Africa,” in Cultures of Confinement: A Global History of the Prison in Asia, Africa, the Middle-East and Latin America, ed. Frank Dikötter (London: C. Hurst, 2007).

Nancy Rose Hunt, A Nervous State: Violence, Remedies, and Reverie in Colonial Congo (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016).

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Sara Forsdyke, “Exile, Ostracism and the Athenian Democracy,” Classical Antiquity 19, no. 2 (2000): 232-263. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25011121

Stephen Toth, “Colonisation or Incarceration? The Changing Role of the French Penal Colony in Fin-de-Siècle New Caldonia,” Journal of Pacific History 34, no. 1 (1999): 59-74. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25169427

Miranda Frances Spieler, Empire and Underworld: Captivity in French Guiana (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012).

Following the abolition of indigénat and forced labor in French West Africa in 1946, important legal reforms were undertaken for the promotion of full French citizenship in the colonies. Yet sentencing to relegation continued to occur until the French West African colonies became independent in 1960. Using colonial reports and correspondence on relegation, as well as petitions addressed by West African relégués to the colonial authorities between the 1930s and the 1950s asking for a readjustment of their sentence, this chapter highlights how Northern Mali was fully integrated into the broader project of “the carceral archipelago of empire” through the relegation of convicts from other French West African colonies to this territory. It further deconstructs the artificial moral barrier often drawn by scholars between the Metropole and its colonies which superficially distances arbitrary colonial violence from the metropolitan rule of law.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Nancy Rose Hunt, A Nervous State: Violence, Remedies, and Reverie in Colonial Congo (Durham: Duke University Press, 2016).

Gregory Mann, “What was the Indigénat? The ‘Empire of Law’ in French West Africa,” The Journal of African History 50, no. 3 (2009): 331-353. https://www.jstor.org/stable/25622051

Florence Bernault, “The Shadow of Rule: Colonial Power and Modern Punishment in Africa,” in Cultures of Confinement: A History of the Prison in Africa, Asia, and Latin America, ed. Ian Brown and Frank Dikötter (Ithaca: Cornell University Press, 2007)

Daniel Branch, “Imprisonment and Colonialism in Kenya, c.1930-1952: Escaping the Carceral Archipelago,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 38, no. 2 (2005): 239-265. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40034920

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Miranda Frances Spieler, Empire and Underworld: Captivity in French Guiana (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2012).

Jean-Lucien Sanchez, “The relegation of recidivists in French Guiana in the 19th and 20th Centuries,” in Christian G. de Vito, Alex Lichtenstein, eds., Global Convict Labour (Leiden: Brill, Studies in Global Social History, 2015)

Sherman Taylor, “Tensions of Colonial Punishment: Perspectives on Recent Developments in the Study of Coercive Networks in Asia, Africa and the Caribbean,” History Compass 7, no. 3 (2009): 659-677.  https://doi.org/10.1111/j.1478-0542.2009.00597.x

A highly political sequence of events took place at the end of World War I in the Sanwi Kingdom, an Ivorian society settled at the border with the Gold Coast. In 1917, the Sanwi population’s demands concerning reduction of forced labor and taxes, as well as local sovereignty, were officially rejected by the French colonial administration. Having exhausted their legal pleas and administrative recourses, massive exile into adjacent regions of the British-ruled Gold Coast was resorted to as a new stage in their struggle. Twenty thousand people left, for two years. The magnitude of this attempt, the variety of means employed by the actors and the specific stakes of this movement were never fully accounted for by historians. Yet, it shows how “on the ground” relations of power in colonial situations were versatile and multi-layered constructions. This exile was designed at the crossroad of pre-colonial networks of African families and commerce but operating within a trans-imperial regional space invested with heavy political stakes. This chapter seeks to illuminate how African actors were able to create resistance strategies by diverting both imperial material and local devices. Exile shows itself, beyond colonial or “indigenous” categories, as an innovative political endeavor.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

A. I. Asiwaju, “Migration as revolt, the example of the Ivory Coast and the Upper Volta before 1945,” Journal of African History 17, no. 4 (1976). https://www.jstor.org/stable/180740

Kwabena O. Akurang-Parry, “African Agency and cultural initiatives in British Imperial military and labor recruitment drives in the Gold Coast (colonial Ghana) during the First World War,” African Identities 4, no. 2 (2006): 214-219. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14725840600761161

Paul Nugent, Smugglers, Secessionists and Loyal Citizens on the Ghana-Togo Frontier (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2002)

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Sheila Fitzpatrick, “Supplicants and Citizens: Public Letter-Writing in Soviet Russia in the 1930s,” Slavic Review 55, no. 1 (1996): 78-105. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2500979

Lianjiang Li, “Political Trust and Petitioning in the Chinese Countryside.” Comparative Politics 40, no. 2 (2008): 209-226. https://www.jstor.org/stable/20434075 

James C. Scott, Domination and the Arts of Resistance: Hidden Transcripts (New Haven: Yale University Press, 1990)

Through an examination of white settlers in early colonial Kenya, this chapter complications ideas of exile, deportation, and home. “Exile” implies that one has been removed from one’s home, that one is out of place. In contrast, “deportation” removes a person from where they do not belong, where they have no claim as native or citizen. A deported person is sent “back” to where he came from, to his real home. According to colonial settlers, however, they were creating a new home. Because they considered Kenya their home, most settlers favored deportation of poor or criminal whites, who damaged the standing of all settlers. In contrast, most settlers vigorously protested the government’s deportation of the Honorable Galbraith Cole, who had murdered an African but had been found not guilty by a white jury. Cole had committed himself to developing Kenya, had invested his time and money in the colony. Ne’er do wells could be sent back to where they had come, for they had contributed nothing, and so could make no claim to Kenya. Cole, however, was being sent away from what was, after eight productive years in the colony, his home. Our understanding of exile, therefore, must take into consideration ideas about the rights of settlement, development, and belonging.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Jeremy Seekings, “‘Not a Single White Person Should Be Allowed to Go Under’: Swartgevaar and the Origins of South Africa’s Welfare State, 1924-1929,” Journal of African History 48, no. 3 (2007): 375-394. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40206586

Zine Magubane, “The American Construction of the Poor White Problem in South Africa,” South Atlantic Quarterly 107, no. 4 (2008): 691-713. https://doi.org/10.1215/00382876-2008-013

John Lonsdale, “Kenya: Home Country and African Frontier,” in Settlers and Expatriates: Britons over the Seas, ed. Robert A. Bickers (Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2010)

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Ann Laura Stoler, Carnal Knowledge and Imperial Power: Race and the Intimate in Colonial Rule (Berkeley: University of California Press, 2002)

Lorenzo Veracini, Settler Colonialism: A Theoretical Overview (Houndmills, Basingstoke: Palgrave Macmillan, 2010)

Elizabeth Kolsky, “The Colonial Rule of Law and the Legal Regime of Exception: Frontier ‘Fanaticism’ and State Violence in British India,” The American Historical Review 120, 4 (October 2015): 1218-1246. https://doi.org/10.1093/ahr/120.4.1218

During Mozambique’s war for independence from Portugal, hundreds went into exile in Dar es Salaam, the capital of neighboring Tanzania. There, the Mozambique Liberation Front (FRELIMO) established the Mozambique Institute in order to centralize their exile community and to construct and provide a very particular type of educational experience for exiles. This chapter examines the genesis of and transformations in that educational program. After charting the rise of FRELIMO, it explores student life at the Institute, curriculum design, co-curricular activities, and the intersection of discipline and education. It asks, how can we understand the nature of liberation education? What kinds of communities arise amongst exiles? What were the consequences of educating some exiles but not others? Finally, what became of those who attended the Mozambique Institute? This chapter argues that liberation education consisted of multiple stages of exile: education was an exile intentionally perpetuated and often extended abroad, to other major hubs of exile congregation. The very fact of exile and the type of education exiles received positioned them as a fortunate community, an intellectual-elite-in-the-making.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Michael Panzer, “Building a revolutionary constituency: Mozambican refugees and the development of the FRELIMO proto-state, 1964-1968,” Social Dynamics 39, 1 (2013): 5-23. https://doi.org/10.1080/02533952.2013.771488

Christian Williams, “Living in exile: daily life and international relations at SWAPO’s Kongwa Camp,” Kronos 37, 1 (2011): 60-86. http://www.scielo.org.za/scielo.php?pid=S0259-01902011000100005&script=sci_arttext&tlng=es

George Roberts, “The assassination of Eduardo Mondlane: FRELIMO, Tanzania, and the politics of exile in Dar es Salaam,” Cold War History 17, 1 (2017): 1-19. https://doi.org/10.1080/14682745.2016.1246542

Jill Rosenthal, “From ‘Migrants’ to ‘Refugees’: Identity, Aid, and Decolonization in Ngara District, Tanzania,”The Journal of African History 56, 2 (2015): 261-279. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0021853715000225

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Heidi Swank, “A Wanderer in a Distant Place: Tibetan Exile Youth, Literacy, and Emotion” in International Migration 49, 6 (2011): 50-73. https://doi:10.1111/j.1468-2435.2011.00703.x

James McDougall, “Dream of Exile, Promise of Home: Language, Education, and Arabism in Algeria” in the International Journal of Middle East Studies 43, 2 (2011): 251-270. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020743811000055

Denise Rollemberg and Timothy Thompson, “The Brazilian Exile Experience: Remaking Identities” in Latin American Perspectives 34, 4 (2007): 81-105. http://0-www.jstor.org.dewey2.library.denison.edu/stable/27648035

Carole McGranahan, “Truth, Fear, and Lies: Exile Politics and Arrested Histories of the Tibetan Resistance” in Cultural Anthropology 20, 4 (2005): 570-600. http://0-www.jstor.org.dewey2.library.denison.edu/stable/3651543

Deportation and exile had always been key tools of dominant systems. Through my fieldworks in Guinea Bissau, based on archival documents and oral history, self-exile could have positive impact in the futures of humans or organizations. After the September 3, 1959 massacre in Bissau, Amilcar Cabral and PAIGC members accepted that in order to save their movement they would have to exile themselves in Conakry, Guinea. I argue that this exile was crucial to the success of their national liberation struggle as it allowed the PAIGC to learn and redefine its goals and strategies. At the most basic level, the PAICG leaders avoided arrest and surrender. Second, they were able to gain strength and deepen their strategic and theoretical knowledge by building alliances with other African nationalist organizations in general and in particular with Luso-Africans. Even more significantly, they linked up with socio-cultural associations of Bissau Guineans living in Guinea and so awoke to the importance of recruiting the first women members. Given the beneficial ways that PAIGC shifted its original policy of national struggle between 1956 and 1959, I conclude that by choosing exile, Amilcar Cabral and the PAIGC saved and deepened their revolutionary movement. Crucial to this success was the shift in its gender ideology.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Elizabeth Schmidt, Mobilizing the masses: Gender, Ethnicity and Class in the nationalist Movement in Guinea, 1939-1958, (Portsmouth, NH: Heinemann, 2005).

Firoze Manji and B. Fletcher Jr., “Amilcar Cabral and the Struggle of Memory Against Forgetting,” in Claim No Easy Victories: The Legacy of Amilcar Cabral, eds. Firoze Manji and Bill Fletcher Jr. (CODESRIA and Daraja Press, 2013)

Tanya Lyons and Mark Israel, “Women, Resistance and the Armed Struggle in Southern Africa,” in African Identities: Contemporary Political and Social Challenges ed. D.P.S Ahluwalia, Abebe Zegeye, Pal Ahluwalia (New York: Ashgate, 2002).

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Paige Whaley Eager, From Freedom Fighters to Terrorists: Women and Political Violence (London: Routledge, 2008)

Judy Maloof, ed. Voices of Resistance: Testimonies of Cuban and Chilean Women (Lexington: University of Kentucky Press, 1999)

Nimmi Gowrinathan, “The committed female fighter: the political identities of Tamil women in the Liberation Tigers of Tamil Eelam,” International Feminist Journal of Politics, 19, no. 3 (2017): 327-341. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/14616742.2017.1299369

Recent research draws attention to Kwame Nkrumah’s Ghana as a place of refuge for African political activists fleeing persecution at the hands of oppressive and neo-colonial regimes. But after the Ghana government passed the Preventive Detention Act in 1958, thousands of Nkrumah’s domestic opponents fled across Ghana’s eastern border to seek refuge in the neighboring republic of Togo. Nkrumah’s attempt to suppress opposition within his new nation stimulated the emergence of a community of exiles on the other side of the highly permeable and heavily disputed Ghana-Togo border. Diplomatic records trace the disputes between the governments of Ghana and Togo over the status of these exiles, and reveal the anxieties of both post-colonial states about their national sovereignty and territorial integrity. Meanwhile, in the local (Ewe) language press, Ghanaian exiles in Togo were “brothers” who had been driven into “the bush” by a regime which boasted of its agenda for pan-African unity. Paradoxically, whilst these refugees envisioned an expanded form of national citizenship in a “Greater Togo,” their experiences of living in a francophone country also reinforced their sense of difference and marginality. After the toppling of Nkrumah in the coup of 1966, most of them returned “home” to Ghana.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Meredith Terretta, “Cameroonian Nationalists Go Global: From Forest Maquis to Pan-African Accra,” Journal of African History 51, no. 2 (2010), pp. 189-212. https://www.jstor.org/stable/40985070

Jeffrey Ahlman, “The Algerian Question in Nkrumah’s Ghana, 1958-1960: Debating ‘Violence’ and ‘Nonviolence’ in African Decolonization,” Africa Today 57, no. 2 (2010), pp. 66-84. https://muse.jhu.edu/article/421104

Peter Geschiere and Stephen Jackson, “Autochthony and the Crisis of Citizenship: Democratization, Decentralization, and the Politics of Belonging,” African Studies Review49, no. 2 (2006), pp. 1-8. https://doi.org/10.1353/arw.2006.0104

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Liisa Malkki, “Refugees and Exiles: From “Refugee Studies” to the National Order of Things,” Annual Review of Anthropology 24 (1995), pp. 495-523. https://www.jstor.org/stable/2155947

Liisa Malkki, “National Geographic: The Rooting of Peoples and the Territorialisation of National Identity among Scholars and Refugees,” Cultural Anthropology 7, no. 1 (1992), pp. 24-44. https://www.jstor.org/stable/656519

Laura Barnett, ‘Global Governance and the Evolution of the International Refugee Regime’, International Journal of Refugee Law 14, no. 2 and 3 (2002), pp. 238–262. https://doi.org/10.1093/ijrl/14.2_and_3.238

Global events altered London’s demographic, fostering the political culture of the Cold War. Thousands of South Africans journeyed there after apartheid’s promulgation. The UK allowed entry to British subjects, admitting others on temporary visas. For those who opposed apartheid, London was a critical center of operations for the propaganda campaign of the international anti-apartheid movement, and a command center for the African armed struggle against the South African government—the latter engendering full Soviet support. The double existence of South African exile in London—as a peaceful, anti-racist, broadly-based, global “human rights” movement, and as a para-military, communist-led, African-dominated underground movement in another—characterized this crucial terrain of Cold War geography. The surreal conflict between being welcomed and being followed, between being celebrated and being deported, was the defining feature of anti-apartheid exile, reflected in the public and interior lives of those in flight and repose. The freedoms of exile and the burdens of refuge leave a legacy unresolved in present global terms, yet crucial to how we understand many present dilemmas—exploding the personal-political, North-South, center-periphery and former colony-metropole divides still present in many narratives.[Boycott Apartheid Bus (Wikimedia Commons)]

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Stephen Ellis, “The Genesis of the ANC’s Armed Struggle in South Africa, 1948-61,” Journal of Southern African Studies 37, no. 4 (2011): 657-676. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/03057070.2011.592659

Paul Landau, “The ANC, MK, and ‘The Turn to Violence,’ (1960-62),” South African Historical Journal 64, no. 3 (2012): 538-563.  http://www.sahistory.org.za/archive/anc-mk-and-turn-violence-paul-s-landau-1960-1962-johannesburg-south-africa   

Hilary Sapire, “Township Histories, Insurrection and Liberation, Late Apartheid South Africa,”South African Historical Journal, 65, 2 (2013): 167-198. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02582473.2013.777089

Karin A. Shapiro, “Exit? Emigration Policy and the Consolidation of Apartheid.” Journal of Southern African Studies 42, no. 4 (2016): 763-781. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/full/10.1080/03057070.2016.1186784

Elizabeth M. Williams, “An Overview of Black British Anti-Apartheid Activism During the 1970s and 1980s,” The Southern African Diaspora Review 1 (Summer, 2006): 685-706. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02582473.2012.675809?src=recsys&journalCode=rshj20

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Mari Paz Balibrea, “Rethinking Spanish republican exile. An introduction,” Journal of Spanish Cultural Studies, 6, no. 1 (2005): 3-24. http://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/1463620042000336884

Andrew Davis, “Exile in the homeland? Anti-colonialism, subaltern geographies and the politics of friendship in early twentieth century Pondicherry, India,” 35, no. 3 (2016):457-474. http://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0263775816662467

Kennetta Hammond Perry, “‘Little Rock’ in Britain: Jim Crow’s Transatlantic Topographies,”Journal of British Studies 51, no. 1 (2012): 155-177. https://doi.org/10.1086/663017

Lara Putnam, “Citizenship from the Margins: Vernacular Theories of Rights and the State from the Interwar Caribbean,” Journal of British Studies, 53, no. 1 (2014): 162-191. https://doi.org/10.1017/jbr.2013.241

Marta Raquel Zabaleta, “Exile,” Feminist Review 73 (2003):19-38. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1395989?seq=1#page_scan_tab_contents

In the 1970s, the French lawyer Jean-Jacques de Félice defended oppositionist Cléophas Kamitatu-Massamba, former minister of Congo-Zaïre, who, although he had refugee status in France and was a doctoral candidate at the Institute des Etudes Politiques, was officially expelled from France in 1972. Through an analysis of Kamitatu’s trials and hearings in Paris this chapter offers a close-up view of the French government’s Africa policy and political oppositionists’ efforts to critique it in alliance with Third Worldist activist lawyers such as De Félice. Kamitatu’s story reveals France’s political engagement with international laws regulating refugees and deportation at the very time that the Pompidou regime sought to integrate Zaïre into its sphere of influence in Africa. The chapter argues that the French government censured Kamitatu’s book, La Grande Mystification du Congo, published with François Maspero Press in 1971, and expelled Kamitatu at Mobutu’s request in the hopes of strengthening diplomatic ties with Zaïre. It thus exposes the official illegality of the “Foccart network” as operating simultaneously within Africa and metropolitan France, and in deliberate violation of the 1967 international refugee protocol to the Geneva Convention on Refugees that France ratified in 1971. Considering the networks of state and non-state actors in a similar analytical framework, the chapter reveals the extent to which African politics functioned as a proxy for French politics in the 1970s.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Gordon Cumming, “Transposing the ‘Republican’ Model? A Critical Appraisal of France’s Historic Mission in Africa,” Journal of Contemporary African Studies 23, no. 2 (2005): 233-52. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/02589000500175984

Tony Chafer, “Franco-African Relations: No Longer So Exceptional?” African Affairs 101 no. 404 (2002): 343-63. https://www.jstor.org/stable/3518538

Emmanuel Gerard and Bruce Kuklick, Death in the Congo: Murdering Patrice Lumumba (Cambridge: Harvard University Press, 2015)

Ekchardt Breitinger, “Lamentations Patriotiques: Writers, Censors, and Politics in Cameroon.” African Affairs 92 (1993): 557–575. https://www.jstor.org/stable/723238

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Kristin Ross, May ’68 and its Afterlives (Chicago: University of Chicago Press, 2002)

Daniel Melo, “Imperial Taboos: Salazarist Censorship in the Portuguese Colonies,” in Media and the Portuguese Empire ed. José Luis Garcia, Chandrika Kaul, Filipa Subtil, Alexandra Santos (Cham: Palgrave Macmillan, 2017)

Gerard McCann, “From Diaspora to Third Worldism and the United Nations: India and the Politics of Decolonizing Africa,” Past & Present, Volume 218, Issue suppl_8, 1 January 2013, Pages 258–280, https://doi.org/10.1093/pastj/gts043

From the earliest days, the migration of Cape Verdeans towards the roças (plantation) has been presented as a solution for the Portuguese colonial government to ensure the survival of the necessary manpower for the development of the cocoa monoculture in São Tomé e Príncipe. The historian Antonio Carreira places the beginning of this migration in the second half of the nineteenth century. This Cape Verdean migration is the most sung about and commented on in Cape Verde. My perspective is cross-disciplinary, based on anthropological studies, fieldwork and reflections on colonial history, with literature and music as an oral source for a history approach. These songs and poems are in Cape Verdean Creole and in Portuguese. I am interested in understanding the popular reading of these journeys, taking into account the view of those who stayed. I analyze the meaning in the aesthetic expressions that left indelible imprints on the imagination of the archipelago about the experience of those—also called serviçais or contratados—who worked in STP. I tried to grasp in this text, the link—emotions, narratives, communicative spaces, and expression of feelings in common—that unites scattered Cape Verdeans through expressive practices.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Alexander Keese, “The Slow Abolition within the Colonial Mind: British and French Debates about ‘Vagrancy’, ‘African Laziness’, and Forced Labour in West Central and South Central Africa, 1945–1965,’” International Review of Social History, 59(3), 2014, pp. 377-407. https://doi.org/10.1017/S0020859014000431

Jeremy Ball. “‘I escaped in a coffin’: Remembering Angolan Forced Labor from the 1940s.” Cadernos de Estudos Africanos, 9/10 (2005-2006): 89-114. https://journals.openedition.org/cea/1214

Jorgen Carling. “Migration in the Age of Involuntary Immobility: Theoretical Reflections and Cape Verdean experiences” Journal of Ethnic and Migration Studies, 28(1) (2002): 5-42. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/pdf/10.1080/136918301201

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Prabhu P. Mohapatra. “Eurocentrism, Forced Labour, and Global Migration: A Critical Assessment” International Review of Social History, 52(1), (2007): 110-115. https://socialhistory.org/sites/default/files/docs/mohapatra_irsh_52-1.pdf

Arjun Appadurai, Modernity at Large: Cultural Dimensions of Globalization (Minneapolis: University of Minnesota Press, 1996).

At the turn of the twentieth century, Ahmadu Bamba marked a historic moment with his poetry of resilience which was pivotal to the cultural and religious transformation of a large population known as the Murīds of Senegal. Most of his poems were conceived and written while in exile in Gabon (1895-1902). The French colonial authorities began to implement their gradual policy of suppression of the African chiefs in all areas of resistance throughout the colony. They gave the order for the arrest and expatriation of Ahmadu Bamba to Gabon in September 1895. Bamba accepted stoically the ordeal of the exile and confinement imposed upon him by French officials. This acceptance allowed him to maintain his retreat and asceticism in the interest of reaching more enlightenment from his metaphysical pursuit. Bamba’s writings, classified under the heading, The Poems of the Seaway, reconcile his private experience of French colonial repression with his unfaltering religious beliefs. This chapter seeks to open fresh fields of a theoretical perspective on the meaning and aesthetic qualities of his poetry. From his exile experience, Bamba expressed contempt for the theory of the degradation of mankind and offered in its place a transcendental order in accordance with the cardinal virtues of faith and love.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

David Robinson, “Beyond Resistance and Collaboration: Amadu Bamba and the Murīds of Senegal,” Journal of Religion in Africa 21, Fasc. 2 (1991): 149-171. https://www.jstor.org/stable/1580803

Cheikh Babou Fighting the Greater Jihād. Amadu Bamba and the Founding of the Murīdiyya of Senegal, 1853-1913 (Athens: Ohio University Press, 2007)

Christian Coulon, “The Grand Magal in Touba: A Religious Festival of the Mouride Brotherhood in Senegal,” African Affairs, no. 391 (1998): 195-210. https://www.jstor.org/stable/723626

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Andrew Davies, “Exile in the homeland? Anti-colonialism, Subaltern Geographies and the Politics of Friendship in Early Twentieth Century Pondicherry, India,” Environment and Planning D: Society and Space 35 no. 3 (2016):457-474. https://journals.sagepub.com/doi/abs/10.1177/0263775816662467

Ben Bollig, Modern Argentine Poetry: Displacement, Exile, Migration (Cardiff: University of Wales Press, 2011)

Farzaneh Hemmasi, “Rebuilding the Homeland in Poetry and Song: Simin Behbahani, Dariush Eghbali, and the Making of a Transnational National Anthem,” Popular Communication 15 no. 3 (2017):192-206. https://doi.org/10.1080/15405702.2017.1327050

The legacy of Osama Bin Laden’s exile from Saudi Arabia and his relocation to the Horn of Africa is profound, and includes the radicalization of East African Muslims and the proliferation of new entities such as Al-Shabaab. By comparing the statements attributed to Osama bin Laden with public declarations from Al-Shabaab, a line may be drawn linking the experiences of exile to the cycle of violence with the region. This analysis suggests that, just as Al-Qaeda did with the United States, Al-Shabaab has engaged Kenya in a cycle of jujitsu politics. The choice of which enemy to engage in jujitsu politics is a strategic decision based on taking out the lynchpin. If we understand Al-Shabaab’s behavior through this lens, then Kenya becomes an obvious target not because it is inherently weaker than its neighbors, but because of its geopolitical position as a major economic powerhouse in East Africa. If Kenya falls, the rest of the region becomes far more vulnerable.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Jason C. Mueller, “The evolution of political violence: The case of Somalia’s al-Shabaab,” Terrorism and Political Violence 30 (2016): 116-141. https://doi.org/10.1080/09546553.2016.1165213

David Anderson and Jacob McKnight, “Kenya at War: Al-Shabaab and its Enemies in Eastern Africa,” African Affairs 114/454 (2014): 1–27 https://doi.org/10.1093/afraf/adu082  

Daveed Gertenstein-Ross, “The Strategic Challenge of Somalia’s al-Shabaab Dimensions of Jihad,” The Middle East Quarterly (2009): 25-36. https://www.meforum.org/2486/somalia-al-shabaab-strategic-challenge

Oscar G. Mwangi, “State Collapse, Al-Shabaab, Islamism, and Legitimacy in Somalia,” Politics, Religion & Ideology 13, no. 4 (2012): 513–27. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/21567689.2012.725659

Malinda Smith, ed. Securing Africa: Post-9/11 Discourses on Terrorism (Burlington VT: Ashgate Publishing Co, 2010)

Additional Readings: Global Studies

David Rapoport (1987): “The International World as Some Terrorists Have Seen It: A Look at a Century of Memoirs,” Journal of Strategic Studies 10, no. 4 (1987): pp. 32-58. https://www.tandfonline.com/doi/abs/10.1080/01402398708437314

Charles Tilly, “Terror as Strategy and Relational Process,” International Journal of Comparative Sociology Vol 46 (2005): 11–32. http://doi.org/10.1177/0020715205054468

Mauritanians who have settled in Ohio since the 1990s offer fascinating insight into identity formation in exile. I explore the interplay between their own self-perceptions and strategies to forge a unified “community,” and the perceptions of “others” as articulated in various media. By asking how do different ideas of nation unfold within exiled communities abroad, I look at two processes. One, the gradual “erasure” of Black-African (Halpulaar) history and identity in the face of America’s construction of a “black-white” country more resonate of American slavery than Mauritania’s own reality. And two, the corresponding feminization of that slavery as rape, kidnapping and infanticide by male masters perpetrated against women and girls, a sensationalism which increasingly colors “the country narrative” Americans see as essential Mauritania. Preliminary findings suggest that the exile community is challenging the racialism articulated so dramatically within its host society and is more concerned to address internal divisions than to unify around anti-slavery campaigns. Parents are choosing what to remember, what to celebrate and how to do both, as well as what to tell children about the slavery and genocide that was part of their own history—all the while “defining Mauritanité” in America.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Olivier Leservoisier, “Contemporary Trajectories of Slavery in Haalpulaar Society (Mauritania),” in Reconfiguring Slavery: West African trajectories, ed. Benedetta Rossi (Liverpool: Liverpool University Press, 2009)

Moctar Teyeb. ‘Slavery is a State of Mind’,” The Middle East Quarterly 6, no. 4 (Dec. 1999). http://www.danielpipes.org/6334/moctar-teyeb-slavery-is-a-state-of-mind

Benedetta Rossi, “African Post-Slavery: A History of the Future,” International Journal of African Historical Studies 48, no. 2 (2015): 303-324. http://www.bu.edu/phpbin/ijahs/publications/?pid=589

Additional Readings: Global Studies

Carol A. Mortland, “Cambodian Refugees and Identity in the United States,” in Reconstructing Lives, Recapturing Meaning: Refugee Identity, Gender and Culture Change, ed. Linda Camino and Ruth Krulfeld, (OPA, Taylor & Francis e-Book, 1994)

Barbara Zeus, Identities in Exile: De- and Reterritorialising Ethnic Identity and The Case of Burmese Forced Migrants in Thailand. Südostasien Working Papers No. 34 (Berlin, 2008): 4-45. https://trove.nla.gov.au/nbdid/43961371

Kevin Bales, “Expendable People: Slavery in the Age of Globalization,” Journal of International Affairs, 53, no. 2 (2000): 461-484. https://www.jstor.org/stable/24357761

A unique archive of exile resides in refugee narratives from Africans today dwelling outside their natal homes. Togolese political dissidents who seek asylum in the Global North are usually required to provide detailed accounts of their political persecution, resulting in an oral historical account that would likely be otherwise inaccessible using traditional interview methodologies in Togo. Asylum narratives offer an unparalleled psychosocial entry-point to engage the post-colonial and contemporary African historical experience, and in particular to document and assess allegations of political persecution and torture. In exile, Togolese political dissidents speak openly about their ordeals. Their narratives are both richly instructive and deeply problematic for reconstructing socio-political life under the dictatorship of Étienne Gnassingbé Eyadéma (1935-2005). Under the watchful gaze of attorneys, exiles recast their experiences in light of political developments since their departure. They construct tropes and generalizations that disfigure the personal and specific. Asylum narratives specifically describing personal experiences of torture reify the imprimatur of the nation-state as the purveyor of persecutory harm. Informed by lawyers, activists, and engaged scholars, Togolese political exile narratives instantiate exiles as national subjects and the state as torturer.

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Additional Readings: African Studies

Additional Readings: Global Studies